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LETTER OF 



HON. EDWARD WADE. OF OHIO, 



TO THE CLEVELAND HERALD: 



REMARKS UPON IT BY MESSRS. CAMPBELL OF OHIO, THOR 

LNGTON OF IOWA, SHERMAN, LEITER, AND WADE OF 

OHIO, HOUSTON OF ALABAMA, A. K. MARSHALL 

OF KENTUCKY, AND DUNN OF LNDIANA. 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 28, 185 




Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, said: I rise this 
morniiijj, Mr. Clerk, for tlie purpose of uskinj; 
the consent of the House to c.ill its iitlention to 
a matter affecting; very deeply, 1 think, my verft- 
city and my personal honor. I had oce^Tsion 
some weeks ago to call the attention of the House 
to a letter written by my collea^e from the Ash- 
tabula district, [Mr. Giddikcs,] in which I sup- 
posed charges were prefernd imputing improper 
motives to my course in reference to the speaker- I 
siiip. 1 have no intention now of consuming any 
of the time of the House by noticing llie various 
assaults made upon me by the newspaper press , 
of the country on account of mv vote against the I 
plurality resolution, because I tniiik tlnse attacks \ 
grow out of their want of information in ref- ; 
erence to my " antecedents" on that subject. | 
Rather than consume the time of the House upon ; 
that question, I took occasion the other day to' 
address a letter to the National Intelligencer of i 
thia city, which I will present now, in order that j 
ii may go upon the congressional record. It is as . 
follows: I 

IIOrSE or REPRFSF.NTATlVr"', 1 

U'AsaiNOTO.N, January -.lo, 1S56. I 
To the EHUort of Ihc lutclliaciircr : I 

Gkstlkmen:'TIio struggle to dcct a Speaker liiis been | 
irurrouiidcd with much ciubnrrassiiu-nt, and Jti'- pcculiiir ; 
rcliilioii wliirli it has been my mi^^^l>rtll^lP, llll^^•uiIl^^he :u\- j 
vice oC friends, to occupy with rcaard to it, rciidiT.-* it indel- ' 
iciilo for iiK! now to give any opinion as to the causes of the I 
existing dilKctillica. I prefer, thercliure, to siibinit (|uicrtly i 
to the virulent a.-isaults wliich many of the !iiili-.\(hiiinis- I 
tration papers arc mnkin<;, until a plain statement of facts 
may be given witJiout the danjiT of producing further delay ' 
in the traiisuclion of the public business, i am called upon, | 
however, by numerous private Icners, aa well as by a por- | 
lion of the press entitled to a respectful reply, for my rca- j 
jionH for votaig against an election of Speaker by a ylurMhj 
vote. I 

1 came into Congress, Incspcrienced in legislative duties, i 
in IS'IU, when there was a similar contest, the prominent 
candidates bcins Messrs. Winthrop and Cobb. The Free- 
Si>il party w.-vs represented by Messrs. Oiddin^f, VVilmot, ■ 
Root, and some .six others, who held the balance of power, j 
After a protracted strugitle, many ellbrts were made to , 
adopt a plurality rule. Although a supporter of Mr. Win- 
throp, I united with the free-Soil men on this question, \ 
and uniformly voted aj;ainht it, airecing with them in the | 
arcunients which they presented, that it w.v of doubtful | 
consittulionality, and a departure from the uniform usage | 
since the org;mi/.ntion of the Cnverninent of ha/.ardous i 
tendency. It was finally adoptcti, and the result was th.it ! 
n House, a majority of which wxh elected a» advocates of ; 
the " VVilmot proviso," refused to apply the restriction to | 
the Territories acquired froni Mexico, which, by the laws | 
of 111 II !:.,i-.'rii.!< 111 h-i'l I'Mii previously dedicated to 1'ri.o 



institutions, and cji-ed lU h -i-lut'on on the flavr rr qtie**- 
tion by the enactment of the fugitive i-lave law. tnthoul 
stvuriiis trial ly jurii, as reeonimended by Air. Clay and 
llie eompromi.sc' co!iiiiiilte<!of the Senate. 

On one i»cea;ion diirine the contest referred to, when 
the pliiralitv nsolution was before the House, Mr. Oid- 
diMjs proposed the following bUbstitutc, iu the propriuty 
of winch 1 fullv concurred : 

" Whereas liie election of the Speaker of this body U 
one of the, hiu'besl and most important duties incumbent 
upon its members; and whereas, also, by common consent 
of everv House of Iteprescntatives since the :uloption of 
the Conslitulion, a m.ijority of all the votes b.is been re- 
garded as iiceessarv to a choice of that otlici-r ; and wliereiu 
the freedom of debate has ever been regarded as one of Uie 
saleguards of American liberty : Therefore, 

" licsoUeil, That a chanae in such election so as to elect 
a Speaker by a plurality of vous, while the minority aro 
not periniUed to diveuss the propriety or constitutionality 
of su<-li change, will he oppres:jive in operation, of danger- 
ous tendeiiev, and oushl not to be adopted." 

During thi; first week of this session, when it was nig- 
gested to me by the friends who kindly supporte.i me (i.r 
the Spcaki r's chair that a plurality resolution would insura 
success, I asain avowed my opposition to it. 

^Vittlout elaborating on the subject, my reasons for TOling 
against it now 1 will state : 

1. That I am not fully witisfied that it is not on infrac- 
tion of llie spirit of the Coiistilutioii. 

2. That it is an abandonment of a uniform usage, whieli 
did not, in 18-19, and I fear would iKit now, promote iho 
sui'cess of the principles which 1 advocate. 

;t. Ilecause I have reiHcin l<> apprehend that its adoption 
at this lime will result in giving the or^'aiiization of lli« 
House to the frien<U of thi; Ni braska act. 

4. Ilecause, aside from principle, J am not disposed to 
stultify my past record until I am satisfied it is wrong; cer- 
ttiiiily not until the publii- interest d.inands such n .sacrifice, 
and a change of my position would tetlJe llio " vc.\ed qucs- 
Uon.-' 

I give these reasons briefly now, from o regard to those 
who have requested them in respectful terms. To the out- 
siders here who may have ''jobs'' in view, and to the edi- 
tors elsewhere who have denounced iTie as a "traitor" to 
the principle I have always advocated, and still ;:dliere to, 
/ lid defiance ! I am neither to be led !is the puppet of Out 
former, nor to he driven under llic lash of ilie latter. 

Very truly yours, Stu., 

' ■* ' ' ' LEWIS D. CAMPHELI.. 

I do not moan to consume more than a few 
moiTicnts of the time of the House in explanation 
of anotlter matter which relates to my action in 
this body. 

I hold in my hand a lefter published in the 
Cleveland Herald, dated Washington, January 
1(3, 185(), and signed "Republican." I havo 
been informed that that letter was written by a 
colleague of mine. If so I wish to have it read 
at that desk. If not, I have nothing more to say, 
btcauso I intend only to repel on this floor the 






assaults made upon me by members of the body. 
[A Member. Which of your colleagues is it.'] 
The letter is here, and I ask to have it shown to 
my colleague from that district. 

Mr. WADE, (to whom the newspaper slip in 
question was handed.) I have not read this let- 
ter, but I have no doubt that it is mine. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. I now ask to have the 
letter read from the Clerk's desk. 

The letter was read, as follows: 

■VV.vsuiNGTON, January 16, 1856. 

Eds. IlERALn : We are still '• as we. were," only a little 
more so. There have been for several day.« indications of 
a. flare up anionj; the opponents of slavery extension. Tiiis 
lias been manifested in divers ways, easier felt than de- 
scribed. I'liis nioriiinj:, Mr. Thorington, of Iowa, intro- 
duced, on his own re?ponsibi]ity, as he said, a resolution 
declaring Mr. L. D. Cami'rei.i,, of Ohio', Speaker of the 
House. Tills, if done witliout consultation, as it was de- 
clared to have been, was, to say the best or it, a mistake, 
which, if not "worse than a crime," was equally injurious 
to the anti-Nebra?ka cause. My own opinion is that, if 
not introduced w'ith the consent of Mr. Cajipbkll, it was 
at best known to him. It was sprung upon the Hou.se 
without consultation or notice. 

Mr. Campbell had formally mthdrami from the contest 
and was in honor bound to keep " out of the ruii;" of can- 
didates until called in by a caucus, or a notice at lf>ast to 
those who were known to be voting in (jood faith for Mr. 
Banks. It was impossible for the Banks men to know that 
southern slavery (^vtensinnists would leave the Hall or 
refuse to vote. Those Banks men who voted against Tiior- 
iNGTOx's re>olution had no knowledge, no hint, no sur- 
mise, that Mr. Campeeul had, in one sliort night, become 
so very acceptable to the slavery extension Know Nothings 
as well as Democrats. Mr. Campbell, on that occasion, 
was found in company with those who have been thwarting 
Uie will of an overwhelming majority of the anti-Nebraska 
men ; and they, believing that a man is " known by the 
company he keeps," and i)referring to fall into the hands of 
an open, rather than to risk the chance of taking to their 
bosoms a concealed enemy, voted against that resolution. 

This most unfortunate, not to say treacherous movement, 
as it has since turned out, and was at the time suspected, 
seems to have been made, as the mover admitted, witli 
" but a/eii' others :" who those others were we do not know, 
but there can be but little doubt that it was a deliberate 
treason, jilotted by three or four of our nominal friends, in 
order to throw the responsibility of tb.e disorganization of 
the House on to those who were supporting Mr. Banks. 
This, it was thought, would force the friends of Mr. Banks 
to abandon him, and return to Campbell. Instantly, on 
the result of the vote being made known, a general howl 
was set up by the Pierce Democracy, the national Know 
Nothings, and the Dunn, Scott, and Harrison recusants, 
that the friends of Banks were responsible for not electing 
Campbell Speaker, and the Locofocos were seized with a 
spasm of sympathy for Campbell; and the national or 
slavery extension Know Nothings seemed on the point of 
swearing, because Campbell was not elected. Indeed, 
they openly claimed that several of those slavery extension 
Know Nothings left the Hall, and that others declined voting, 
80 as to give a chance for the election of Campbell. 

This piece of imposition was received by the Pierce men 
as a god-send. The use they and the Know Nothing slavery 
extension allies made of it was this : to denounce the Banks 
men as adhering to him personally, at the sacritiee of Camp- 
hell; and great was the sympathy of these slaveholders 
for Campbell ; but greater still was the consternation of a 
few of the anti-Nebraska men who had voted for Banks. 
It seemed for a short time like " Rachel weeping for her 
children, and would not be comforted." It indeed looked 
a little blue for a time— as though the ranks of the anti- 
Nebraska nion were to be broken by this fusilade of the 
enemies. A caucus was called, and the matter discussed 
and explained; and the unanimous conclusion was to sus- 
tain Banks, and not again to take couusel of our enemies, 
nor to select eandidales tVnm anti-Nebraska men acceptable 
to the Democratic and Know Nothing sections of the slavery 
extension party in Congress ; for there are but two parties 
liore — the Slavcry-exteniionists and the Slavery-re'driction- 
ists. True, these two parlies are at odds witli each other 
on what they call '• American principles," but on all other 
matters tln'y are to each other as "liand and glove." 

One word on tlie position of the " scatterers," as they 
are called here. They affirm that they " will never vote 
for Banks;" they give no reason for this, only that Banks 
is not liked by them, and they never will vote for him. 
Now, there is no reason whythe views of these men should 
not be respectodj nor is there any reason, on the other hand, 



why they should not respect the preferences of the over- 
whelming majority of their comradi;s. 

Their position is hostile to the success of the anti-Ne- 
braska men. They are doing the work of the sltam Democ- 
racy — doing it more effectually than the Pierce men and 
the slavery Know Nothings could do it themselves. Were 
those men in the pay of the Administration they could not 
do its work as efl'eetually as they are now doing it; and 
instead of being allies of the anti-Nebraska men, they are, 
and ought to be treated, as pro-slavery men, and allies of 
the slave Democracy. KEPUBLICAN. 

I now refer to the Congressional Globe of that 
date to show what was said on the occasion of 
the introduction of the resolution by the honor- 
able member from Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] The 
resolution had been presented before I entered 
the Hall, liaving been detained at my rooms by 
company. The resolution was in these words: 

"Resolved, That Lewis D. Campbell be declared the 
Speaker of the Hou~e of Representatives for the Thirty- 
Fourth Congress of the United States." 

He had prefaced its introduction with remarks 
made before I came in, but which appear in the re- 
ported proceedings of that day. The gentleman 
from Iowa said, among other things, before intro- 
ducing his resolution: 

" I have not consulted the gentleman whose name I have 
embraced in this resolution, in reference to the use I have 
made of his name ; a proper sense of delicacy has pre- 
vented me from doing so." 

As I have already said, I came into the Hall 
not knowing what proposition was about to bo 
voted upon. On inquiry I was informed of it,s 
character, and felt that it i^laced me in a most 
embarrassing situation. My own judgment dic- 
tated the propriety of announcing, as soon as I 
could with propriety take the floor, that it was 
introduced without my knowledge or consent. 

After the vote upon the resolution was taken, 
and before the result was announced by the 
Clerk, it appears from the Congressional Globe 
that the following remarks were made: 

" Mr. Campbell, of Ohio. Mr. Clerk, I have seen much, 
heard much, and read much that has surprised me at this 
session of Congress ; but I was never more amazed in all 
my life than I was on entering tlie Hall this morning, to 
find a proposition of this kind pending before this body. I 
felt embarrassed, because I thought that it might place mo 
in a false attitude before the House and the country. I felt, 
also, that it might tend to embarrass the action of this 
House. But I had no remedy ; and I now rise for the 
simple purpose of assuring the House that the proposition 
was made without my knowledge and without my authority. 
It was, doubtless, the result of personal kindness and of 
patriotic design on the part of the gentlomau from lowa^ 
and I thank him for it. 

" Sir, it is but proper I should say, that since I v.-ith- 
drew my name on the seventh day of December, I have on 
several occasions been appealed to by honorable gentlemen 
to give my consent to the introduction of some such propo- 
sition as this. Those who never voted for me during the 
time I was before theHouscasthecandidateof my friends, 
have made appeals to me that they might be authorized to 
submit something of this kind. The honorable gentleman 
from Pennsylvania [Mr. KnigiitJ has made such an appeal 
to mo on more than one occasion. My uniform response 
has been, that whatever ambition I might have had, when 
I came here, to occupy that high and honorable post, had 
been cured, because 1 thought that its honors had been very 
materially frittered away by the circumstances connected 
with this controversy. 

'•' I assured the gentlemen who made these applications 
to me that, under no eircuinstanees whatever could I, in 
the existing condition of things, be considered as a candi- 
date, or as throwing any obstacle in the way of a speedy 
organization of this body. With the honorable geniieman 
from Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] I believe I have lor sumo 
weeks, scarcely passed the ordinary courtesies and ci\ilities 
of the day, much less to have any conversation with him 
upon a proposition such as he has submitted ; and he doubt- 
less will, if he. has not already done so, exonerate me fully 
and entirely from any participation in this matter. 

"Mr. Thorington. I stated, I believe, I had not had, 
directly or indirectly, any consultation with the gentleman 
from Ohio, and had onlymentioned the matter to some of 
my particular friends. 



"Mr. Campbell. I am clad, however, that the vote has 
hoc-n taken, because it may be the means ot'throvvinjsnmc 
additional light upon this question of organization, and of 
enablins; us to e.\tricate ourselves from the difficulties in 
oUr way. 1 am glad, too, for the furtlier reason, that ir 
pivcs nio an opportunity to acknowledge, in my humble 
way, my unfeigned gratituiletotlio.se gentlemen — and there 
areniariy of them — who have supported this resolution, yet 
who did not, for reasons satisfactory to them, vote for me 
upon the former occasion." 

How my collcaa^ic [Mr. Wade] — immediately 
after such a declaration from me and from the 
honorable member from Iowa — could have retired 
to his room and sent a letter for publication in my 
State, charging that I knew of the fact that the 
resolution was to be offered, and imputing treach- 
ery, is beyond my comprehension. 

It is only necessary now, Mr. Cleric, that I 
should put this matter right on the record in refer- 
ence to my own action; and with a view of doing 
so, I call I'lpon the gentleman from Iowa now to 
state whether any knowledge of any kind was 
imparted to me, directly or otherwise, of his inten- 
tion to introduce that resolution. When he an- 
swers, 1 shall call upon two of my colleagues for 
a statement in this connection. The gentleman 
from Iowa will be good enough to give me the 
benefit of his testimony. 

Mr. THORmGTdN. My attention, Mt. 
Clerk, was this morning called to that communi- 
cation by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Camp- 
bell.] I read the article then for the first time; 
and I must say that I never read an article which 
surprised me more than the one just read from 
your desk. The declaration which I made on 
this floor at the time of my introducing the reso- 
lution referred to, declaring the gentleman frorn 
Ohio [Mr. Campbell] Speaker of this House, 
was sufficient, and I thought, in the innocency of 
my heart, that to members on this floor, at least, 
it would be; nor did I for one moment suppose 
that it would have been ever called in que'Stion 
here. But it seems that it has. And now, sir, 
so far as that article is concerned, I have only to 
say, that I would infinitely prefer the position 
that I occupy to that occupied by the writer of 
that article. And I will further state, that the 
allegations contained in that article, so far as 
they have reference to me, are untrue and false 
in inference and in fact, when they charge me 
with colluding with political opponents. 

Now, sir, so far as my having any intercourse 
with members upon the other side of the House, 
either, the American or Democratic party, is con- 
cerned, in connection with the presentation of 
that resolution, I can say with eijual candor that 
no communication whatever passed between 
them and me. And I can also say that I had 
very little conversation, either directly or indi- 
rectly, with gentlemen upon this side of the 
Plouse — the Republican party — in reference to the 
matter. Mr. Campbell had no connection with 
the presentation of that resolution, nor am I 
aware of his knowing anything concerning the 
use that was being made of his name in that reso- 
lution, until he appeared in his seat on tliis floor. 
No words, or communication of any kind, di- 
rectly or indirectly, passed between us upon the 
subject. Those members with whom I did con- 
sult approved the act, and were uncompromising 
friends of Mr. Baxks, who had previously and 
who have subsequently voted for that gentleman, 
as continuously and as consistently as the writer 
of that article himself. 

Now, sir, in reference to the connection of the 
ofTcring of my resolution with caucus nomina- 



tion, I have to say, that I have attended all the 
anti-Nebraska caucuses that were held before 
that time and since. In the cau'-us previously 
held, in which if is said that Mr. Banks received 
the nomination, I did not remain, however, until 
the alleged nomination was made. I occupied a 
seat in the lust omnibus that left the Capitol on 
that evening, on my way to my residence in 
Georgetown. Some gentlemen who were present 
when the same was made informed me that Mr 
Banks had been nominated, but that the nomina- 
tion was only considered as binding until some 
candidate, if practicable, could be found who 
would more effectually concentrate the action 
upon the part of the anti-Nebraska voters; and 
that it was considered as a mere understanding, 
with no caucus pledge. I felt under no obliga- 
tions to vote for the distinguished gentleman 
from Massachusetts, except so far as I should 
think proper and the interests of my country re- 
quired. I did, however, vote for that gentleman 
cheerfully, as I had done previously, and have 
voted for him since. But at the time I oflered 
the resolution, I thought that the country had suf- 
ficiently long witnessed our ineffectual attempts 
to elect that gentleman, and that there could be 
no injury to partirs on this floor in making an 
effort in another direction. Under these circum- 
stances, I presented the resolution offering the 
name of my distinguished friend fromOliio [Mr. 
Campbell] for the speakership. I did not con- 
sider myself under any trammels of caucus to 
pn^vent, nor did I suppose that any member upon 
this floor considered himself bound by the action 
of that caucus referred to not to vote for my 
friend, or any member other than the distinguished 
gentleman from Massachusetts. Since the meet- 
ing of the House on the first Monday of Decem- 
ber last, I have voted upon every call of the roll 
j for either tlie gentleman from Massachusef.s or 
j the gentleman from Ohio. I voted for Mr. Banks 
. as long as I deemed it to be necessary and proper, 
and 1 shall follow that course in future. But, on 
, the other hand, I did not hesitate to present the 
' name of Mr. Campbell for that place, to which, 
in my opinion, he richly deserves to be elected, 
and who is sound upon the slavery question. 
j As to the attacks made upon me upon the part 
of the press, 1 have only to say, that I hope the 
result of this contest will show that the persons 
\ who assailed me have been doing the country as 
good service as I intended when I presented the 
resolution proposing my honorable friend from 
Ohio as the Speaker elect for the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the Thirty-Fourth Congress. I 
believe I have acquitted my honorable friend from 
any participation with mc in the use of his name 
in connection with the speakership. I will, there- 
fore, consume no more of his time. 

Here the hammer fell, and the Clerk announced 

that the time of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. 

Campbell] had expired. [Cries of "Goon!" 

', " Go on !" from all parts of the Hall.] 

j No objection having been made, 

I Mr. CAMPBELL proceeded: Mr. Clerk, I 

'. have no words of harshness or of denunciation 

\ for my colleague. I never have cherished an 

unkind feeling towards him; none. I regret 

' that he should have placed himself in this atti- 

, tude. I intend to take this testimony in my own 

vindication as a member of this body, and place 

I it upon the record, and send it, with his letter, 

among the people of my native State, whose 

J minds have, for some reason unknown to me, been 



4 



lately poisoned against me by misrepresentations. 
And there I shall leave the matter. 

Treachery seems covertly to be imputed to me 
in this letter, because of my action on th.it occa- 
sion. As before stated, I entered the Hall while 
the resolution was before the body. I was at a 
loss to determine what I should do. My posi- 
tion was emban'assing, and I felt that I ought to 
have a friend or two with whom I should take 
counsel. My colleague from the Richland dis- 
trict [Mr. Sherman] occupies adcsk immediately 
in front of me. I requested him to call another 
colleague, the gentleman from the Stark district, 
[Mr. LiEiTER.] They came to my desk, and I 
besought their advice. They are now present, 
and I request them to state what was my conduct 
upon that occasion. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Since my colleague has 
requested me, I will state very briefly the occur- 
rences on the occasion to which he has referred. 
On the morning when the gentleman from Iowa 
offered his resolution declaring Mr. Campbell 
Speaker, I came into the Hall after tjie session 
had commenced. The yeas and nays had been 
ordered on the resolution, and the vote was about 
to proceed. A few moments after, my colleague 
[Mr. Campbell] came in — and we ijiquired mu- 
tually of each other what was pending. My col- 
league did not, I am persuaded, know that such 
a resolution was to be off'ered. So far as I am 
concerned , I was taken entirely by surprise. We 
ascertained, hov/ever, presently, the nature of the 
question , and thereupon , my colleague [Mr. Camp- 
bell] requested me to speak to my other col- 
league sitting nearest me, [Mr. Leiter,] for the 
purpose of consulting as to what was best to be 
done under the circumstances. This I did. 

The first impulse upon the part of my distin- 
guished colleague [Mr. Campbell] was to rise 
in his place pending the vote on the ixsolution, 
and recjuest the gentleman from Iowa to withdraw 
it. My colleague [Mr. Leiter] and myself en- 
deavored to dissuade him from pursuing that 
course, because we did not know but the proceed- 
ing might have been the result of a general under- 
standing upon the part of the anti-Nebraska 
members of the House, and that the gentleman 
from Iowa was carrying out the common design. 
After the vote had proceeded, however, we dis- 
covered that the friends of Mr. Eavks, including 
most of our colleagues, were voting against the 
resolution; but it would then have been indelicate 
and improper, without a consultation v/ith the 
gentleman from Iowa and others, and without a 
better knowledge of the purpose of ofTering the re- 
solution, for my C(j!league to have withdrawn his 
name while the vote was proceeding, after having 
allowed the proceeding to go on thus far without 
protest. 

We therefore urged him to allow the vote to 
he taken sub sitentio. I myself voted for the res- 
olution; but it having been voted down, I have 
since, as I did before, cast my vote for the dis- 
tinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. 
Bajcks.] The resolution, at most, was inoppor- 
tune — introduced without sufficient consultation. 
But I never supposed it would bo made the pre- 
text of assailing the motives of either the mover 
of it, or of my colleague, or of those who, like 
myself, felt impelled by a sense of duty to vote for 
it. Is this the explanation my colleague de.sires ? 
Mr. CAMPBELL. I now appeal to my col- 
league from the Stark district for his understand- 
ing of the matter. 



Mr. LEITER. Mr. Clerk, I am happy to 
reply, at my colleague 's request. At the time the 
resolution was introduced by the gentleman from 
Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] 1 looked toward tho 
scat of my colleague, [Mr. Campbell.] I saw 
that he was absent. Some little discussion on- 
sued. Before the vote was taken, and during the 
call of the roll, I perceived my colleague in con- 
versation with my other colle;\gue, [Mr. Sher- 
man.] I went to them, and then learned that 
Mr. Campbell was anxious to withdraw his 
name. I told liim — and I take the entire respons- 
ibility for everything that I do — that he ought 
not to withdraw; that I was exceedingly anxious 
for an organization of the House; and that an 
anti-Nebraska man should be elected to the speak- 
ership. Any one of the hundred men suited me. 
I was not tied to any man; and I did not, and do 
not, mean to be. I advised that Mr. Campbell 
should let the vote be gone through with. I said 
that if we could elect him, it would be right; if 
not, there would be no harm done. That is my 
position. 

I will say further that, in my judgment, but 
for the counsel of my colleague [Mr. Sherman] 
and myself, Mr. Campbell would have with- 
drawn. Still, he had no idea that we were plot- 
ting treason against the anti-Nebraska party of 
tJiis House. Has it come to this, that because 
we vote for a man who is an anti-Nebraska man, 
an anti-slavery man, a man whose repuUition is 
well-established in the country, we are, thfJrefore, 
committing treason against the Banks men .' In 
God's name who are the Banks men.' From 
whence comes this new party? — Banks party! 
I never assisted in the organization of any such 
party; and I never will assist in the organization 
of any party that has a man for its object without 
any principle. I voted for my colleague from 
Ohio, [Mr. Campbell;] and I have only one 
regret, and that is, that he had not votes enough 
to elect him. This is all I have to say. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. Clerk, I know that a 
studied effort has been made in various quarters 
to place me in a false position in reference to this 
matter. On the 7th of December I withdrew my 
name from the struggle in which we are engaged. 
I was then, have l^een ever since, and am now, 
ready to make any sacrifice for an organization 
of tliis House and for the interests of my country, 
except that of personal honor. That is my own , 
and I am here to defend it against all assaults, 
come from whatsoever quarter they may. An 
attack upon it seems to have been made by my 
colleague, and I have therefore called the atten- 
tion of members to these facts. 

Now, sir, if there is an}' man, of any party, or 
from any section, in this House who knows of 
any dishonorable or selfish act of mine connected 
with this struggle for the speakership, I ask him 
to rise now in his place and make the charge, so 
that I may confront him before the House and 
the country. [Here Mr. Campbell paused some 
seconds for a reply.] Thci-e is notone. I hope, 
therefore, that I may not again have occasion to 
take the floor on this subject to repel assaults 
made by members of tiiis body. For the sake 
of harmony and good feeling in my native Ohio, 
and among her Representatives here, I trust that 
my colleague [Mr. Wade] will not in future 
retire from this Hall to make assaults upon my 
integrity, as a newspaper correspondent. 

On the subject of slavery my position is, I trust, 
well known to every one in tliis House, and fully 



I 



nnderstood by those I represent. I have never 
occupied a doubtful position on that question here 
or among my constituents. 

My position on the subject of Americanism is 
also well known, and has been boldly avowed. 
I apprehend it is because it is so weliicnown here 
and at home that these assaults are made upon 
me. If this principle of " crushing out " is to be 
pursued because of my avowals on the subject, 
then I can say to my colleague that he will have 
a lively time of it before he finishes his contest 
with me. Sir, we have nailed the banner to the 
mast on which the principles of American reform 
are inscribed. If he seeks to prostrate me for 
■Uiis cause, I point him to that banner: 
" Our fl;i2 is there ! our fla;; is there ! 

We'll hail it vWth our loud huzzas! 
Our Has is there ! our flag is there ! 

Behold its <;lorious siripes and stars .'" 

We do not intend to abandon it — never! never! 

Mr. Clerk, I thank the House for its kindness 
and attention. 

Mr. HOUSTON. Mr. Clerk, I rise for the 
purpose of stating a foct. I do not intend to enter 
into any argument. The statement made in the 
letter which has been read to the House, that 
those on this side of the Hall with whom I have 
been voting for Speaker, kept out of the way and 
did not vote on the resolution to which reference 
has been made, has been repeated on several oc- 
casions. Now, I have put myself to the trouble 



1 league refers to the report of what then took place, 
I but I did not read the report of it as published in 
1 the Globe or elsewhere. The report referred to 
.', by him may make that statement, but not having 
been read by me I did not, and could not be cog- 
nizant of his disclaimer. The resolution of the 
gentleman from Iowa was received with surprise 
and astonishment, and made no little stir in tho 
part of the Hall where I sit. It would be far 
from me to impugn his veracity or his personal 
honor. Suppose I did. I have a high respect for 
the gentleman's honor, and intended to state only 
tiie impressions made on my mind at the instant. 
I do not intend to reiterate any supposed charge 
'■ upon hina in respect to this matter. 

I said in that letter — what I believed I was 

warranted in saying — that an inference might be 

drawn from the course that the proceedings took, 

that there was some understanding between some 

individuals. Who they were I did not pretend 

1 to state. I know that the gentleman from Iowa 

I disclaimed at the time having consulted with 

j any one, as I understood him. He stated that 

he offered it solely on his own responsibility. 

! He stated afterwards that he had consulted with 

j but a few. Who those few were, or hov/ many of 

i them there were, I did not know. I knew noth^ 

j ing about it. Gentlemen around me knew nothing 

, about it. The resolution was suddenly s)>rung 

upon us, and precisely that use was made of it by 

the Nebraska men v/h'ich I i)iferred any man might 



of making an examination of the vote referred to. {j ^^ve expected would be made of it. ' I supposed 
There were eight gentlemen of the seventy-four jj ^^at any man would know that it would lead to 

embarrassment, and that our enemies would taka 



who did not vote on that resolution. One of the 
eight, Mr. Hexplet S. Bennett, was at the time 
confined to his bed by sickness. Tlie remaining 
seven all paired off, and six of them were absent 
from the city. Then the fact is not true that any, 
even a solitary one, of those present with whom 
I have been voting, failed to vote. Every one 
who had not paired oft', except Mr. Bennett, 
who was sick, voted against tb.e pro{)osition. 
One gentleman who was in the city, but paired 
off, was at the time, I believe, making an argu- 
ment before the Supreme Court. I will conclude 
by again distinctly stating the fact, that every 
Democrat, or Richardson man, who was present 
in the city, and not paired off, voted against the 
resolution with one exception, and that was the 
gentleman from Mississippi, and he was unable 
oi\ account of illness to be in attendance. 

Mr. WADE obtained the floor. 

Mr. ALEXANDER K. MARSHALL. I will 
state, Mr. Clerk, that if the letter alluded to in- 
cluded those who are denominated South Amcri- 



the advantage of it that they have taken. 

That letter, sir, was w'ritton hurriedly and 
under the excitement of indignation at the course 
that things took here, under the erroneous im- 
pression that my colleague was giving them hia 
sanction l)y his silence. 

My colleague speaks pompously about his 
honor, and his determination to spread these 
matters abroad among my constituents, and over 
the State of Ohio. Well, now, I am perfectly 
content that my colleague shall send anything 
he chooses among my constituents; and I will 
venture to say, that they will never beheve that 
I intentionally made a wrongful charge against 
him, or that I will not do justice to him to the 
fullest extent in my power. When my colleagua 
disclaims that he had any knowledge of the intro- 
duction of the resolution, there is not a man upon 
this floor — be he American, European, Asiatic, 
or African — who will do him justice with greater 
alacrity than I will; and I have only to say 



cans, without examining the matter, still I will ji upon this subject, that I did not intend in that 
'' ' ' ■ "" ""■ letter to do him any wrong. I thought the intro- 

duction of the resolution most extraordinary; and 
not knowing that my colleague made any remarks 
in reference" to it, but supposing, on the contrary, 
that he remained silent, permitting the vote to bo 
taken M-ithout disclaimer, I supposed myself war- 
ranted in drawing the inference that there was 
some understanding about it. I am happy that 
my colleague disclaims it; and I am happy to 
admit the full length and breadth of his disclaimer. 
I voted for mv colleague, whilst he remained a 
candidate, I think, as steadfastly as any other 
I stood ready to vote 



venture the assertion, that a large majority, if not 
all of them, voted against the resolution declaring 
the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Campbell] the 
Speaker of the Thirty-Fourth Coiigress. [A 
Voice. Except one.] I am informed that there 
was one who did not cast his A^ote. 

Mr. WADE. I want to say, Mr. Clerk, that 
tlie letter which has been read makes no direct 
charge of treachery against my colleague. None 
was intended to be made against him. It was 
but an inference from facts which I supposed were 
taking place before the eyes of us all: nothing 
more was intended. 

My colleague says now, that he rose up and 



gentleman upon this floor 

..„ „^ _ for him to the end, and would not have flinched 

•tatcd distinctly, that he had no knowledge that || or faltered under any pressure; and when my 
the resolution was to be introduced. Now, the . colleague knows me better, ha will uinderstand 
gentleman perhaps may have done this, but I did | that I do not change my course until satisfied 
B'jt see or hear hira on that occasion. My col- 'i that I am wrong. 



6 



I have notliing further to say with rcsrard to ]! seeing in one form and another, upon the gen- 



tleman from Ohio, [Mr. Campbell,] who is the 
subject of them. Everybody knows that, in the 
last Congress, he .stood here the acknowledged 
leader of a little band of faithful and patriotic 
men, without food or repose, in a contest of 
tlnrly-nx hours — the longest, and fiercest, and 



that letter. It expresses exactly the impressions 
that were made upon my mind by the occur- 
rences upon this floor at the time. 

The gcMitlcman from Alabama [3.1r. HonsTON] 
.says that tliere were no gentlemen here who did 
not vote. There was one gentleman from North 

Carolina [Mr. Pain'e] who declined voting, and \\ most inveterate parliamentary conflict in ourhis- 
many members went out of the Hall while that i| tory — in defense of the just rights of freedom 
vote was being taken. Who they were I could I [ and the repose of the country. That little band, 
not tell; but there were gentlemen who went out i' with no other power or protection, than that af- 
from this side of the Hall before their names I; forded by the Constitution to compel the calling of 
were called. Whether they went out to avoid |j yeas and nays, and theirownintegrityand courage 
that vote I know not, and could not say, but I ,| under his leadership, steadily and successfully 
expressed, in that letter, the impression made jj maintained the fortress of freedom against leagued 
upon my mind at the time. I exculpated the | aggression in overwhelming numbers, encouraged 
gentleman from Iowa from all preconcert in the ij and marshaled to the battle by a gentleman of con- 
matter. I did not implicate my colleague from 'j summate skill and ability. Yet that strong host 
the Stark di.'^triet, [Mr. Leiter;] and he, 1 pre- 
sume, neither desires nor expects any explana 



tion as regards him lor anything stated in that 
letter. I 

Mr. LEITER. No, sir. \ 

Mr. WADE. I know he does not. I have | 
made no charge against him, nor did I intend to 
implicate (any further tiian I was led by misunder- 
standing) my colleague [Mr. Ca.mpcell] — further 
than I was led by my ignorance of his disclaimer. 
That letter, like any letter written on the spur of 
the moment, doubtless contained some stronger 
expressions than it ought to have done, but it 
conveyed the impressions made upon my mind 
at thetimo, and they were thrown ofl m my seat 
in the excitement of the moment. 

Now, with regard to those gentlemen whom I 
called the " scatterers " or "recusants," I do 
say now, that if those gentlemen had acted with 



was at last driven, by this steady repulse, ex- 
hausted and disheartened from the field. Never 
again would that conflict have been renewed, but 
for wliat was then unsparingly denounced as a 
shameless betrayal by those to whom I have 
alluded on a former occasion, and shall not now 
further speak of. These imputations, then, come 
not near the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Camp- 
bell] — far from it. The friends of freedom 
rose up everywhere " to do him reverence," and 
those who like him had never wavered. They 
were covered with the empty honors, as it now 
seems, of only thanks and praise. From tha» 
day until now there has no public circumstance 
transpired, nor any jjrivate, judging from the 
fact that the challenge has more than once been 
offered here by that gentleman to any and every 
man to refer to such facts, public or private, wliich 
in t!ie least should detract from the just appre- 



the Democracy — if they had voted for the gentle- ][ ciation of his conduct then. But now it would 
man from Illinois, [Mr. Richardson-,] or were \\ seem important for the promotion of the ambi- 
nov.' voting for the gentleman from South Carolina, \\ tious aims of others that he should in some way 
[Mr. Orr,] they would not have thrown, nor j be destroyed in this well-deserved regard of 



v.'ould now throw, so great an obstacle in the 
way of an organization of this' House by the 
e!(!Ction of an anti-Nebraska Speaker as they are 
doing by the course Avliich they have pursued 
and are now pursuing. That is my opinion still. 
I do not charge them with intending it. That is 
not M'hat I said, or what I meant to say. I in- 
tended to say that such, in my humble judgment, 
was the effect of their course; and it is as true now 
as it was then. These are all the remarks that I 
propose to submit to the House in relation to this 
matter. 

Mr. DUNN. I very much regret that some 
gentlemen cannot be undeceived upon one point, 
and that is, as to the extent of the power which 
they have over their associates >ipon this floor 



the public generally, and especially of all the 
members of this body. Hence, it is too palpable, 
all these attacks. It had been his misfortune to 
have been thought of and voted for more than 
once, without asking puljlic leave to do so, for the 
sjjeakership. This is the " head and front of 
his ofi'ending" in the estimation of his colleague 
[Mr. Wade,] and of others who are of his par- 
licular 2caij of thinking, or it may be only ofivish- 
ing. Hence all these attacks upon others here, 
who in any possible way become the object of 
suspicion of that gentleman [Mr. Wade] and 
his rerj/ cliaritahle coadjutors, but it matters not 
whose blunder or treachery, for the time being, 
inspires the indignation of these new, self-consti- 
tuted, and exclusive guardians of liljerty and the 



Not only are they without power over (^ach other's j! land — or who are self-appointed (or it may be, for 
votes, but the etVort, directly or indirectly, by the || aught I know, that there is a little coterie on this 



means employed here for weeks to assert and 
exercise that power, is devoid of all decency. That 
gentleman who sends his slanders throughout the 
country — not having the courage to put his name 
to them, against his own colleague, as gallant a 
man as evi-r fought the battle of frei'dom in this 
Hall — comes here, now, and reads his lectures, 
and enforces his inferences upon this House and 
the country in regard to what, he says, is the 



floor that issues commissions for that purpose) 
to administer appropriate punishment on such 
occasions; one thing is always certain — that is, 
an imperious demand that " the stragglers" should 
come in and submit themselves, soul and body, 
to the tender mercies of those to whom, I sup- 
pose, we shall soon learn, the destiny of empire 
here belongs " by divine right." Every gentle- 
man can obey this requisition who chooses. I 



disorganizing spirit of gentlemen who do not ,j never shall. 

happen to agree with liim. j After the remarks, this morning, of the gentle- 

It ought to be a matter of utter astonishment, n man from Iowa [Mr. Thorixgton] in regard to 
and surely is so to every honest man in his sober . the pretended caucus, which has so much embarrassed 
senses, to observe such attacks as that contained \\ gentlemen, I should hope we are to hear no more 
in the letter we have had read, and arc daily || of that dodge which has strangely enough been 



made to answer the double purpose of a shield 
to protect one set of gentlemen here, and a sword 
to destroy another. The candidate for whom 
the gentleman is voting [Mr. Banks] expressly- 
repudiated it in his remarks here upon the occa- 
sion of the general catechism of candidates, by 
declaring, in substance, that he was not the re- 
cipient of any caucus nomination. And now the 
gentleman from Iowa shows us precisely what 
was understood at the time, by all concerned, 
as to this ihain caucus. It never would have been 
understood or represented, in any other light, but 
that it afl'orded a pretext for one of the thousand 
falsehoods which have been flying out from this 
Capitol on black wings, like birds of ill omen, 
to defame and blast every man before the country, 
who would not tamely, as a hound, submit him- 
self to the lash of the liunter. To that end the 
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Wade] sent out, upon 
swift wings, litis croaking rai-en of his. Let him 
cease his unprofitable and unworthy toil. 

I should be a dishonored man if I would act 
with him upon the matter which he is now urging 
upon us; and I tell him now — while there is 
notiiingat all of the spirit of bravado in my nature, 
nothing which defies physical danger and .suffer- 
ing — there is no power under Heaven that can 
move me to yield that which my deliberate judg- 
ment tells me is a point of honor? Does the gen- 
tleman understand me now? I hope lie may, and 
I hope others may. And I tell him further, that 
he has colleagues who, if lie does not, do under- 
stand this difficulty. There is very little in my 
disposition which opposes a proper and just ac- 
commodation of dill'ercnces. I liavc shown a 
willingness to accommodate differences, time and 
again, in this matter; and time and again have I 
been ruthlessly and insolently thrust off. Sir, I 
will not always go a beggar to any man's door 
for tiie settlement of differences. This letter- 
writing, and this editorial system of forcing men 
into submission, have gone a very great way in 
preventing the organization of this House. Why, 
eir, upon my colleague over the way, [Mr. Brex- 
ton] — than whom there lives not, or ever has 
lived, a purer-hearted or truer man, or a man of 
more rugged and unbending faithfulness in the 
cause of truth, of justice, and of freedom — we 
have all seen and read, within the last three or 
four days, an assault so base, so infamous, that 
there is not one word in all the fullness and 
richness of our language vile enough to give it 
a name. 

And this is part and parcel of a system carried 
on, in and out of this Hall, to drive men to submis- 
sion — not to principle, but to a servile support of one 
man. Sir, under God, I never will submit to any- 
thing which is not in accordance with my own 
well-considered and deliberate judgment as to 
■what is right, just, and honorable. Gentlemen 
may use their tongues and fingers as they choose; 
they may bring out their whips; but all will be 
unavailing. 

h I seek no further controversy in this matter. I 
have sought to avoid it; I have desired harmony 
with the anti-Nebraska men; I have submitted 
to very great injustice to secure it; I have been 
disposed to turn aside from personal indignity 
and insult, and bear these wrongs in patience, for 
this end; but I. say to all men that, in the just and 
proper defense of that which is mine, and which 
the Supreme Ruler of all things and my great 
Benefactor has put in my charge — not for myself 
alone, but in trust for those who arc to bear* my 



name and blood hereafter, and keep alive in the 
world, it may be for a little while, the memory 
of my actions — / will never yield a point of honor 
or plain duty in the face of any consequences to 
myself. Cease, then, your fruitless efforts; they 
will never avail. I leave the n.'sponsibility of my 
actions to the just judgment of my country and 
my God. To them I will be answerable, but not 
to that'powcrhere, whose demand is simply arro- 
gant and insolent. But if there arc those hei'e who 
are resolved to force upon me a conflict, as with 
bears — or " the beasts at Ephesus," — it is pos- 
sible, that my repugnance to such a condition of 
things may, in the end, yield to my necessity. 
You can press matters to that point, if nothing 
less will satisfy your curiosity. 

I will remark still further, in reference to the 
imputation of that letter — for the precise language 
I do not remember — that we, who are modestly 
called recusnnts, were as well in the pay of the 
Administration, and serving it for compensation, 
as to occupy the attitude we do, let gentlemen 
look at the record. I do not mean that gentle- 
man's individual record, but the record upon that 
table; and I say, as I have said before, that it w^ll 
tell a tale whicli will bring shame to their faces, 
rather than mine, if they have any. 

Now, sir, so far as I am concerned, this con- 
troversy ends. When gentlemen assail, I strike 
them back; and all I ask of them is, that they 
strike like men — upon my face, and in the blaze of 
day. Do not practice the assassin's game, seeking the 
cover of darkness, and strike my unobserving and un- 
protected back. 

Mr. WADE. I have but a word to say in 
reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Indi- 
ana, [Mr. Dunn.] I am not in the habit of boast- 
ing or using bravado. I am but a very plain 
mnn, making no pretensions of adlierence to the 
code of honor, as understood among duelists. I 
could not do it, with my notions of wliat is re- 
quired of me as a man. I discard that code 
utterly. 

But so far as rendei-ing to every man what is 
justly his due, and not taking from him aught 
that belongs to him, I am the first man to ac- 
knowledge the wrong, if I have done wrong. 
Gentlemen will always find me tliere. I am no 
bully; I am no duelist. 

Now, sir, the gentleman from Indiana should 
not feel so sensitive, under th.e circumstances, — 
myself being judge,— and if he attempts to as- 
sert that I have charged him, in that letter, with 
being in the pay of the Administration, he 
charges what is not warranted by that letter, and 
what was not intended by it. All 1 intended to 
say there — and all I intend to say now — is, that 
in the relations which those gentlemen sustain to 
the organization of this House, in my judgment 
they are doing for the Administration a service 
which they could not do if they were in the ranks 
of that Administration. I did not impugn those 
gentlemen's motives; I never have impugned 
their motives, here or elsewhere; and I call upon 
any and all the members upon this floor to say 
if they ever heard me impugn the motives of 
those gentlemen, in any form whatever, as cor- 
rupt or dishonest. I have never had an intention 
of doing so. I have stated that, according to my 
intellectual views of the position of those gentle- 
men, they were wrong, and v/rong in the course 
they have marked out for themselves. But I 
have not passed judgment on their motives in 
this matter, ' 



8 



I can understand that' gentleman just as well as 
lie can understand hintiself, M'hen he says that 
forcecannothebroughtto bearupon him.i'-'~ " nc^lS 
by newspaper charges, newspaper lette ' 'Vd'* 
paper writers, or anything of that kii 
understand what a nuin who staifds by . 
means; and if that gentleman believes 
in the right, he has the same right to belie 
1 and those with whom I am acting are 

in the wrong. There is nothing in that © '^*'"..,c now far he would observe or disregard 
wiiich goes to sustain the inference that tli. .0. , , ordinary maxims, when he found himself, wholly 
any charge upon the gentleman's personal honor, i! without fault t^n his own part, being driven to 
or anytliing of that kind. He is acting in his i; that impassable point where degradation begins. 




'ty. That is what I meant 

refusing to submit to all 

I course where duty and 

'iniission or even conces- 

sort, such as the gentle- 

^ id me as referring to, I 

9 gh to consider what is 

natives are presented 



u will be in haste to say or de- 



way — I in mine. 1 condemn his course as inju- 
rious to the cause which I advocate and which he 
advocates; he does not; and there is the difference 
between us. The gentleman's gallantry and cou- 
rage and all that sort of thing, take no effect — 
are lost upon one who disdains imputing inten- 
tional v/roiig to him. 

Mr. DUNN again took the floor. 

Mr. WADE intimated that he would yield to 
tile gentleman from Indiana. 

Mr. DUNN. No, sir; finish your remarks. 

Mr. WADE. I had nearly finished them. I 
had gone as far as I wished to go in making the 
explanation I desired to make. All that I have to 
say is, that the gentleman [Mr. Dun.v] is not 
charged with anything by me, unless he construes 
tliat into a charge which was but an expression 
of opinion as to the consequences of his course 
in relation to the election of Speaker. 

Mr. DUNN. A single word, Mr. Clerk, with 
llv: indulgence of the House. If anything in my 
remarks had the remotest tendency to suggest to 
the mind of any man on this floor or in the world 
tJiat I look upon it as even an allowable thing in 
any proper sense to i-esort to brute force in vindi- 
c-ation of right, or in opposition to v/rong, except 
in obedience to the law of nature, and that is the 
law of God, or unless where that brute force is 
moved up by the great mandate of human law, 
where army meets army, led by their respective 
clueftains, in obedience to the commands of their 
respective Governments, — if any remark of mine, 
I say, has made the impression that I v/ould 
sanction, with judgment, a resort to brute force 
under other circumstances, I beg the pardon of 
all men for having so misled them. What I 
might do, in violation of my conviction of duty, 
it will be time enough to say when there is a 
great calamity upon me. I trust that no such 
misfortune shall ever come. I should turn from 
it — press away froni it — straggle to escape it, 
a.s I would from a den of adders, in all excusable 
ways. I have no toleration for the thing to 
v.'hich the gentleman [Mr. Wade] has alluded. 
1 suppose he alluded to it v.dlh the amiable design 
of impressing others than me, or those who 
heard me, that that is what I meant, and that 
that is what I v/ant others to understand. Sir, 
then- is nothing of the spirit of the bully about 
m>-, let me assure the gentleman of that. A kind 
Providence gave me my intellect to fight all bat- 
tles of this character; and ho docs not allow that I 
sliould resort to other weapons, exceptasadefense 
to that temple in which, fora season, he has set up 
hi."? light, or of something else equally as sacred. 
J hope to be able to keep his law, and that I may 
liavi; no temptation to do otherwise. That is 
what I meant to declare, and did declare. Provi- 
deiice has given me the moral firmness to abide 



No man ought to say in advance M'hat he would 
do in such extremity. " Sufficient unto the day 
is the evil thereof." 

Now, sir, one other thing: The gentleman 
[Mr. Wade] said that he did not arraign tha 
motives of myself and others who have refused to 
vote with him. Sir, wliat he published in that 
letter was not enough for him; but, being exposed 
in that transaction, he now comes here to repeat 
the offense; and yet ho says he docs not assail 
our motives; but he cannot so escape. It is a legal 
maxim and a just one — that a man is presumed 
to intend that, and precisely that, which is tho 
legitimate consequence of his act. And I ask 
who can read that letter of the gentleman, unac- 
quainted with the circumstances which have con- 
trolled the situation and conduct of members 
here, — who I say, can read it, and not be forced to 
feel that our conduct was wrong, and so subjcot 
to public condemnation? Taking, then, as a 
guide, that legal maxim, the object and efl'ect of 
which is to promote justice, and which does pro- 
mote it, I have a right to say, and do say, thai 
the gentleman intended to do me an inj%t,ry, and 
that, too, wholly without cause or excuse; and, 
as an aggravation of his wrongful act, he h.as not 
borne himself in it as a brave or a just vian, bu-t 
to do that injury he sought to /lide himself under a 
fictilious signature. He covers himself from view 
by taking a false name, and then sends his impu- 
tation to a distance, among strangers, to do evil, 
so that he may not be detected, and brought to 
exposure and shame. Even thus secure, accord- 
ing to his own interpretation of his letter now, 
(if what he says means anything,) he did not 
intend to make any directly or tangibly offensive 
charge. No; not that. What he wrote was no 
more than a shivering insinuation. That does not 
help the case. It makes it worse, far worse. It 
was not the deed of a true man; but I say he was 
not content with that, for, after answering his col- 
league [Mr. Campbell] this morning, now that 
he is seen, gathering courage from his necessity, 
he turns round and reads me a lecture. Ho reas- 
serts in substance and enlarges upon that which 
he liad before covertly and secretly sent home ts) 
his constituents, for circulation there and elso- 
v/here — showing a desire to injure, but an unwill- 
ingness to answer for it. But for his having doiDs 
this, Mr. Clerk, I should not have troubled tlie 
House or trespassed upon its kind indulgence, 
to which I have been so often indebted; for I have 
no respect for the hand which, however concealed 
or wrapt in darkness, still tremhles while it slabs. 
Allow ine to thank gentlemen for their indul- 
gence on this occasion and all others, and to say 
that I trust the future will enable nie to dismiss 
forever this subject of discussion, as di^usting to 
me in itself as its occasion is vile. 



Printed at the Congressional Globe Ofiice. 



